2. Naučni članci

"Ili će Srbija biti republika ili će prestati da postoji": ustavne promene u Srbiji 1989 (I)
U prvom delu teksta o procesu ustavnih promena u Srbiji 1989. prate se događaji u periodu od završetka poznate 8. sednice CK SK Srbije (1987) do pada rukovodstva Vojvodine (1988). U centru analize jesu događaji poznati kao „antibirokratska revolucija“ koju je pokrenuo Slobodan Milošević i otpor koji su rukovodstva srpskih pokrajina, Kosova i Metohije i Vojvodine, pružala izmenama srpskog ustava., This article reviles the process of constitutional changes in Serbia in 1989. It descrivbe the events between the end of the Eighth session of the Central Committee o the Serbian Communist Party (1987) and the period of the fall of the political leadership in province of Vojvodina (1988). In the focus of the author’s analysis were the events known at that time as „Antibureaucratic Revolution“ which was started by the appaearance of the Slobodan Milošević in power. It also describes the resistance given to changes in the Serbian Constitution by the leaderships of the two Serbian provinces, Kosovo and Vojvodina at the time. In this very same period Slobodan Milošević became the national leader of the whole Serbian people in Yugoslavia. In the Serbia proper, the biggest Yugoslav republic at the time, millions of Serbs came to the „rallies of truth“ devoted to the Kosovo issues, shouting Milošević’s name. The atmosphere looked like the awakening from the religious trance. It turned out that Milošević knew how to use the wave of nationalism, that swept all over the Yugoslavia, better than anyone in the political scene. This Serbian (Milošević’s) national movement was celebrated like the newborn dignity of the nation. The Serbs believed that Milošević was the one which have give back their national identity and the right to say that they were Serbian. This specific national „trance“ was strongly supported by the media: the most powerfull – The Belgrade Television and „Politika“ newspaper., 177016, Rad je deo projekta Srpsko društvo u jugoslovenskoj državi u 20. veku: između demokratije i diktature (177016) koje finansira Ministarstvo prosvete, nauke i tehnološkog razvoja Republike Srbije.
Causes of the armed conflict in Croatia 1991. Resolving conceptual and methodological inconsistencies
This text is intended to identify, clarify and resolve the most frequent examples of methodological inconsistencies found in the current literature by Serbian and foreign researchers, and to point to their conceptual, methodological and factual inconsistencies. This work follows the basic line of conceptual delimitation concerning the phenomenon of the breakup of Yugoslavia, on one hand, and of the violent conflicts in certain Yugoslav republics, on the other. It is based on the interdisciplinary analysis of the findings in the field of international relations and historical analysis, while relying primarily on the fundamental sources of historical material. Henceforth, this paper will address the issues of correct determining of the main and secondary actors, temporal determination and elements for making a clear and unambiguous definition of the armed conflict in Croatia., La désintégration violente de la Yougoslavie représente un grand défi pour de nombreux théoriciens et chercheurs des relations internationales. La série des guerres civiles, dont certaines, se déroulèrent parallèlement au processus de décomposition de la fédération yougoslave, et d’autres apparaissant comme sa conséquence immédiate, constitue un sujet brûlant pour beaucoup de théoriciens, historiens et analystes. Or, malgré des recherches intensives, le grand nombre de travaux d’auteurs nationaux et étrangers, les analyses qualitatives et quantitatives, les réponses claires et sans équivoque aux questions de fond que les processus mentionnés cidessus ont posées au grand public et aux spécialistes n'existent pas. Dans ce texte, en premier lieu, les auteurs catégorisent les explications données par les chercheurs nationaux et étrangers aux conflits armés en Croatie et relèvent leurs incohérences théoriques, méthodologiques et factuelles. Ensuite, l’article suit la ligne principale de la délimitation conceptuelle entre le phénomène de la dissolution du pays d’un côté et le phénomène des conflits violents de l’autre. Il se fonde sur un travail interdisciplinaire qui utilise les apports des relations internationales, en fait des théories des conflits à l’intérieur des Etats, et de l’analyse historique de sources primaires. Le regroupement des explications dans trois catégories de base sur le principe de l’appartenance théorique des arguments énoncés., Published, 177016, Rad je deo projekta Srpsko društvo u jugoslovenskoj državi u 20. veku: između demokratije i diktature (177016) koji finansira Ministarstvo prosvete, nauke i tehnološkog razvoja Republike Srbije.
Creating a Communist Yugoslavia in the Second World War
The Second World War involved the conflict of three different ideologies – democracy, fascism and communism – an aspect in which it was different from the Great War. This ideological triangle led to various shifts in the positions, views, and alliances of each of the warring parties. Yugoslavia with its historical legacy could not avoid being torn by similar ideological conflicts. During the Second World War a brutal and exceptionally complex war was fought on its soil. The most important question studied in this paper concerns the foremost objective of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) – to carry out a violent change of the legal order and form of government of the pre-war Kingdom of Yugoslavia., Published, Šifra projekta: 177016
Humanistička inteligencija i obnavljanje parlamentarizma u Srbiji
članku se razmatraju društvena atmosfera i dominanti politički procesi u Srbiji u vreme sloma realnog socijalizma, jugoslovenske krize i obnavljanja višestranačkog poretka. U centru analize jesu odnos humanističke inteligencije prema režimu Slobodana Miloševića, vladajuća oligarhija i njena nespremnost da izvrši punu demokratizaciju Srbije, kao i delovanje prvih opozicionih stranaka., Multiparty system in Serbia was result of the populist revolution conducted by the Slobodan Milošević in Serbia’s political life in late 1980-ties. The Serbian opposition had no clear alternative to Milošević’s national program: political life was dominated by the kind of the political and national forces that it could not control or influence. All of the major Serbian political opposition parties in their programs and even activities, just followed the political and national mainstream, that became dominant in the Serbian public after 1988. It acted mainly on daily activities or trying to challenge or deny public standpoints which Milošević placed as a political standard of the moment: unified Serbia and federative Yugoslavia. This was the main reason why real democratic alternatives in Serbia were not created. And it leaded to the situation where Serbian opposition was without a great effort in winning the parliamentary elections. The first multiparty parliamentary elections held in communist Serbia in 1990, were marked by a series of events characteristic to the epoch of transition from one-party to multi-party system: regime repression of pro-opposition media, and a high degree of political intolerance between opponents. The political system in Serbia during the last decade of the 20th century could be marked as the type of authoritarian regime in which there were democratic and parliamentary institutions, but not substantive democracy. Parliamentary system and other institutions, regardless to their democratic form, were just facades for personal power by Slobodan Milošević., 177016, Rad je deo projekta Srpsko društvo u jugoslovenskoj državi u 20. veku – Između demokratije i diktature (177016) koji finansira Ministarstvo prosvete i nauke Republike Srbije.
Komunizam i religija
U tekstu se analiziraju religijske osnove marksističke/komunističke doktrine i stvaranje novog tipa religioznosti u društvima u kojima su komunisti izveli revoluciju. Komunistički ateizam, koji je u Jugoslaviji uspostavljen posle Drugog svetskog rata, tumači se kao sekularna religija koja je nametana kako bi se stvorio novi društveni poredak i potisnula stara religioznost., Marxism was not merely a teaching of historical or economic materialism; it was also a teaching about the rescue, a “Messianic mission”, of the proletariat, about a perfect society due in the future, a teaching of the man’s power and defeat of the irrational forces of nature and society. The features of the selected “People of God” have been transferred onto the proletariat. A logically contradictory blend of materialist, scientific-deterministic and non-moralist elements with the idealistic, moralistic and religious mythmaking elements has existed in the Marxist system. Marx created the proletariat myth and his mission was object of faith. Marxism was not merely a science and politics, but also a religion. His power was based on this. Communist atheism represented a type of “apophatic theology”, the next step of development that should lead to deletion of the theological component. The most significant features of this process were violence and totalitarianism. The energy of negation of the previous religious concept was transferred into affirmation of the new, terrestrial hierarchy. That is how the god-type leaders appeared quite rapidly as the state forms of the service and worshipping of God, which represented more than good conditions for the formation of personality cults. Just like all religions, communism is irrational, dogmatic and based on faith, rather than on science. Just like Christianity and Islam, communism had its own scriptures, the works of Marx, Lenin and Stalin. Just like most other religions, required irrational faith; the people living in communist countries had to cherish absolute faith in the order and its leaders, whereas the others were treated as classic heretics. Like in the Soviet Union, the totalitarian political power in Yugoslavia was imposed through sacralization of the Communist party and its leader. The most important elements in this process were the level of party Manichaeism, viewing of the party as the center of “holiness” surrounded by the sinister “mass of enemies”. A new faith was developed over time, which replaced the original tendency to have things improved. Communists were unforgiving in treating their political opponents as deadly enemies. Any connivance was experienced by the representatives of “new religion” as “intolerable weakness”. In the overly religious world at the turn of 20th century one of the instantly obvious characteristics of communism as ideology was the apparently clear lack of religiousness. When it turned out that “the plagues of communism had brought nothing more than death and poverty, totalitarian regimes and tyrants”, offending of atheists, especially after the world wars, by labeling them communists was widespread very much. And indeed, communism did not appear to have any gods, churches or holy books. Nevertheless a logical question came up why an apparently godless ideology has caused a catastrophe of such scale. The answer is more than simple: that ideology was far from atheistic, communism contains all the most specific features of religion, so it is no wonder it has brought so much pain, suffering and death., Published, Šifra projekta: 177016, Le marxisme n’était pas seulement l’étude du matérialisme historique ou économique, mais aussi la pensée de la rédemption, du „rôle messianique“ du prolétariat, de la société parfaite de l’avenir, de la pouvoir de l’homme et de sa victoire sur les forces irrationnelles de la nature et de la société. Il existait dans le système marxiste un mélange illogique d’éléments matérialistes, déterministes et amoralistes avec ceux idéalistes, moralisatrices et pacifiste (d’origine religieuse). Marx créai le mythe du prolétariat, dont la mission était la question de la foi. Le marxisme n’était pas seulement la science et la politique, mais aussi la religion, d’où venait son pouvoir. La nature religieuse du marxisme est la plus visible dans son but principal – la conjonction de „l’homme idéal“ et Dieu – et l’on pourrait dire que le communisme est une variante athéiste d’une certaine eschatologie religieuse et que la dialectique marxiste est une forme athéiste des lois religieux de l’histoire. Néanmoins, selon le concept marxiste, le problème principal du capitalisme est „l’aliénation“, et cela n’est qu’une forme athéiste de „l’injustice“ métaphysique. Le marxisme fit la „résorption de la théologie“ en soulignant que la fin de l’histoire humaine serait inévitable, ce qui représenterait le point du départ dans la „conjonction avec Dieu“. Selon le modèle eschatologique classique, ce processus se finirait par la résorption dans laquelle l’homme et Dieu ne seraient seulement unis, mais situés au plus haut niveau – parfait. Par ce biais, le „processus pénible de l’aliénation“ s’achèverait finalement et l’homme reviendrait „à la maison“ afin de passer à plan supérieur – post-créateur.
Obnavljanje parlamentarnog poretka u Srbiji 1990.
U tekstu se piše o društvenoj atmosferi i dominantnim političkim procesima koji su postojali u Srbiji u vreme održavanja prvih višestranačkih izbora 1990. U centru analize jesu vladajuća oligarhija i njena nespremnost da izvrši punu demokratizaciju Srbije, kao i delovanje prvih opozicionih stranaka., Published
Rat u Sloveniji 1991.
Članak se bavi početkom ratnog raspleta jugoslovenske državne krize, kratkotrajnim tzv. junskim ratom u Sloveniji. To je bio uvod u građanski rat u Hrvatskoj i rasplamsavanje ratnog požara na prostoru SFRJ. U centru analize jesu odnosi na relaciji Slovenija – JNA, kao i pozicija Srbije u tom periodu. Tekst je napisan na osnovu dostupnih izvora i relevantne literature., A short war in Slovenia was only the beginning of the war which was the outcome of the Yugoslav state crisis in late 1980-ties. This was the prelude to civil war in Croatia and later wars that broked up Socialist Yugoslavia. The Slovenia’s independence was declared on the 25th June 1991. The Slovenian Parliament adopted constitutional act proclaiming the independence of Slovenia. The Yugoslav People’s Army have no chances to win the war against Slovenia. Members of the Army were taught for decades that they never engaged in the war against interrior opponents. The Slovenian leadership was very keen to win the media war. They skillfully runned the propaganda war. Politcal events in Slovenia at the time of declaration of independence and later combat operations were shown on television as the aggression of the Yugoslav army, not as Slovenia’s secession., Published, 177016, Rad je deo projekta Srpsko društvo u jugoslovenskoj državi u 20. veku – Između demokratije i diktature (177016) koji finansira Ministarstvo prosvete i nauke Republike Srbije.
Royalist resistance movement in Yugoslavia during the Second World War
The Royalist resistance movement during the Second World War was represented by the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland (YAH), led by General Mihailović. It was an anti-Nazi military alliance based on patriotic sentiments created after the catastrophic defeat in the April 1941 war. What started as a small group of officers and soldiers of the former Yugoslav royalist army (a total of 26 men) who gathered on Ravna Gora on May 11, 1941, became a resistance movement that symbolized Serbian national ideology. History has remembered them as “Chetniks”. The appearance of Mihailović and his men met with enthusiasm in the “free world” as the first sign of resistance in occupied Yugoslavia. Praised and glorified at the beginning, they would be excluded from the Allied Coalition and stigmatized as “traitors” at the end of the war. The interpretation of the history of the YAH has been the most controversial issue of post–war Yugoslav historiography. Despite incontrovertible evidence of the YAH being a resistance movement, official narratives considered it Axis collaborators., Published, Šifra projekta: 177016, Article is part of project Srpsko društvo u jugoslovenskoj državi u 20. veku: između demokratije i diktature (177016) that is financed by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological development of the Republic of Serbia.
Slobodan Milošević i Franjo Tuđman o statusu Bosne i Hercegovine 1991
Članak se bavi razgovorima Slobodana Miloševića, predsednika Srbije i Franje Tuđmana, predsednika Hrvatske tokom jugoslovenske krize 1991. o statusu Bosne i Hercegovine. Ti razgovori su poznati kao dogovor o „podeli“ Bosne i Hercegovine i do sada je o njima pisano samo na osnovu svedočenja učesnika razgovora. U Sudskoj arhivi Međunarodnog krivičnog suda za bivšu Jugoslaviju u Hagu, nalazi se dokument koji potvrđuje da su razgovori o „podeli“ Bosne zaista vođeni, da su nastavljeni 1992. i da je u njih bilo uključeno i rukovodstvo bosanskih Srba., The article is written on talks between Slobodan Milosevic, President of Serbia, and Franjo Tudjman, the Croatian president of the Yugoslav crisis 1991st on the status of Bosnia and Herzegovina. These talks are known as an agreement on the „division“ of Bosnia and Herzegovina and have written about them only on the basis of testimony of participants in the talks. The Judicial Archives International Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia in Hague is a document that confirms that talks about the „division“ of Bosnia indeed led to continued 1992nd and that they were involved in the Bosnian Serb leadership. In 1992. Followed chaotic and tragic events – plebiscite of independence, unsuccessful negotiations in Portugal under the auspices of the European Union, recognition of independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina 6th April and withdrawal of the Yugoslav Army – who are the former "Yugoslav bastion“ pushed into the abyss of civil war three years., Published, 147039, Rad je deo projekta (Ne)uspešna integracija – (ne)dovršena modernizacija: međunarodni položaj i unutrašnji razvoj Srbije i Jugoslavije 1921–1991 (147039), koji finansira Ministarstvo za nauku i tehnološki razvoj Republike Srbije.
Smenjivanje Ivana Stambolića sa funkcije predsednika Predsedništva SR Srbije 1987.
U tekstu se analiziraju događaji posle poznate Osme sednice CK SK Srbije kada je Slobodan Milošević pokrenuo akciju za smenjivanje Ivana Stambolića sa čelne državne funkcije u Srbiji. Cilj ove akcije bio je osvajanje apsolutne vlasti i uspostavljanje potpuno novih političkih odnosa u Jugoslaviji., Slobodan Milošević started a wide political campaign in the late fall of 1987 in order to politically eliminate Ivan Stambolić. Even after the Eighth Session Milošević wanted to send a clear message to all of his adversaries – he is the absolute leader of the Serbian communist party and the Serbian nation. To that end he evoked the necessity of the „unity of socialist forces“ in order for the Serbian society to quickly emerge from a political, economic and moral crisis. At the same time, he was creating an image of himself as a man of action that doesn’t hesitate and does not waste time making „useless“ conversations. Through a well organized political action, Ivan Stambolić was removed from the most important state function in Serbia, and by doing so Milošević suffocated every opposition inside the Serbian communist party. As a leader, his offer was similar to Tito’s: egalitarianism, a simplified picture of the world and how it works, a new religion (belonging to a class was replaced by belonging to the nation), and – a vision of a common enemy. Dangerous channel was opened for collective venting of frustrations of the people. First among such enemies were „the forces defeated in the Eighth session“ and Serbian „bureaucrats and officials“, then Albanians and politicians from Vojvodina, then the Croats and Slovenians, and finally wider range of threats within and outside Yugoslavia., En automne 1987, Slobodan Milosevic lança une grande campagne politique pour réaliser la "liquidation" politique d'Ivan Stambolic. Milosevic voulait envoyer à tous ses adversaires potentiels le message clair qu’il était le leader absolu du parti communiste et de l'Etat serbes. À l’époque, il ne cessait de souligner la nécessité de "l'union des forces socialistes" pour que la société serbe puisse au plus vite sortir de la crise politique, économique et morale. Milosevic était en pleine offensive alors que la VIIIe session du Comité central du parti communiste était largement interprétée comme un moment-clé dans la résolution de cette crise. En même temps, il se construisait une image d’homme d'action qui n'hésitait pas et ne perdait pas de temps dans les discussions "inutiles". Par une action politique bien organisée, Ivan Stambolic fut révoqué de la fonction officielle la plus importante en Serbie et Milosevic étouffa toute opposition possible au sein du parti communiste serbe. Au peuple serbe épuisé par les crises, il offrit la même chose que Tito autrefois : un leader, l'égalitarisme, une vision simplifiée du monde et de ses relations, l'appartenance à la nouvelle religion (l'appartenance à la classe était remplacée par l'appartenance à la nation), et l'ennemi. Avec lui, sans aucun danger, la masse pouvait se débarrasser de ses propres frustrations. Le premier ennemi, c’étaient les "forces battues à la Huitième session", ensuite les "bureaucrates" et les fonctionnaires communistes, puis les Albanais, les "autonomistes", les Croates et les Slovènes, et enfin les "destructeurs mondiaux de la Yougoslavie"., Published, 177016, Rad je deo projekta Srpsko društvo u jugoslovenskoj državi u 20. veku – između demokratije i diktature (br. 177016) koji finansira Ministarstvo prosvete, nauke i tehnološkog razvoja Republike Srbije.
The Yugoslav anticommunist forces at the end of the Second World War
Poraženi u srpskom građanskom ratu imali su zlehudu sudbinu. Posle nadiranja Crvene armije i pobedonosnog partizanskog pohoda, većina boraca JVUO povukla se u Bosnu, gde je doživela slom. Ništa bolje nisu prošli ni oni koji su ostali. Jedan od načina spasavanja glave bio je i odziv na mobilizaciju koju je sprovodila nova vlast. Mobilisani rojalisti tretirani su više kao zatvorenici nego kao vojska. Izloženi podozrenju, uvek su bili slabo naoružani i bacani u najteže bitke. Morali su da idu napred, da budu ranjavani i da ginu. Mnogi od njih ostavili su svoje kosti na zapadu Jugoslavije. Retki pojedinci otišli su preko granice, u bespuće emigracije i gorčinu života u tuđini. Krvav i bespoštedan građanski rat koji je besneo u Srbiji za vreme okupacije nastavljen je i po isterivanju okupacionih snaga, ovoga puta u vidu nemilosrdnog obračuna pobednika sa sopstvenim građanima za koje se verovalo ili pretpostavljalo da neće prihvatiti novu vlast i novu ideologiju. Posle surovog rata u kojem su se svi borili protiv svih, došlo je vreme odmazde. Pobednici su, da bi neograničeno i nesmetano vladali, uveli teror i počeli da se svete ne samo neprijateljima nego i svima onima koji su mogli da im budu smetnja. Nova vlast koja se u Srbiji uspostavljala od jeseni 1944. sebe je istorizovala kao mesijansku, što je od ranije bila temeljna dogma jugoslovenskih komunista. Posle vremena „tame“ došla je „svetlost“ u kojoj, međutim, građani nisu smeli da zaborave na svoje obaveze. „Svetlosti“ nije moglo da bude dok se ne iskorene „snage tame“. Vlast je od početka počela da širi iracionalnu neminovnost koja je iz temelja menjala psihologiju naroda. Šireno je uverenje da je počela nova era i da narodu ne ostaje ništa drugo nego da se pokori „istorijskoj nužnosti“ koja se poklapala sa idealima „najboljih ljudi i boraca za ljudsku sreću“. Zaglušujuća propaganda o „istorijskom determinizmu“ oduzimala je volju i slobodu rasuđivanja., The article provides the in-depth cover of the last stage of civil war in Yugoslavia, and of the attempt that Yugoslav anti/communist forces made to create free territory inside Slovenia. After the huge offensive of the Yugoslav Partisan Army in April/May 1945, anticommunist front collapsed. The article is written on the primary sources and relevant literature., Published, 147.039, Rad je deo projekta (Ne)uspešna integracija – (ne)dovršena modernizacija: Međunarodni položaj i unutrašnji razvoj Srbije i Jugoslavije 1921–1991 (broj 147.039), koji finansira Ministarstvo za nauku i tehnološki razvoj Republike Srbije.
Политички портрет Слободана Милошевића 1988-1991
Текст говори о стварању култа личности Слободана Милошевића, као и о историјским процесима који су довели до распада СФРЈ и ратног расплета државне кризе. У центру анализе јесте личност самог Милошевића, као и његова политичка филозофија., 177016, Рад је део пројекта Српско друштво у југословенској држави у 20. веку – између демократије и диктатуре (№ 177016) који финансира Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије.
Српски и словеначки интелектуалци уочи распада Југославије 1986–1989.
У тексту се анализира сукоб српских и словеначких интелектуалаца хуманистичког и друштвеног „типа“ (историчари књижевности и књижевници, филозофи, социолози, политички теоретичари) у годинама уочи распада Југославије. Они су били предводници „новог таласа“ који је из темеља уздрмао комунистичку Југославију и на крају довео до њеног слома. И српска и словеначка интелектуална сцена позиционирале су се као алтернатива политичком систему у својим републикама. Посебно место у том процесу имали су писци, они су оживели стари романтичарски наратив о „одбрани нације“., The paper discusses the confrotation between Serbian and Slovenian intellectuals (literary historians and writers, philosophers, sociologists, political theorists) in the years before the breakup of Yugoslavia. They were the leaders of “a new wave” which had fundamentally shaken communist Yugoslavia and in the end led to its breakdown. The Serbian and Slovenian intellectual scenes positioned themselves as an alternative to the political system in their republics. Writers had a special places in that process by reviving the old romantic narrative about “the defence of the nation”., Published
„Ne samo Kosovo“: ustavne promene u Srbiji 1989 (II)
U drugom delu teksta o ustavnim promenama u Srbiji, piše se o događajima koji su doveli do usvajanja ustavnih promena 28. marta 1989. U centru analize jesu politički odnosi u jugoslovenskim političkim strukturama i otpor srpskoj politici na Kosovu i Metohiji., This is the second part of the article which describes the constitutional changes in Serbia in late 1980-ties. The article explains the political events that led to the adoption of the constitutional changes on the 28th March 1989. The political relations in the Yugoslav political structures and the resistance to Serbian politics in Kosovo and Metohija, were analyzed in this article. The adoption of the constitutional changes led to a new wave of violence in Kosovo and Metohija. The harsh political conflicts occurred almost simoultaneously in the Yugoslav federal leadership. The Albanians from Kosovo province received the huge political support from Slovenia in their resistance against Serbian leadership. However, the Serbian Party Congress adopted the changes of the republic constitution on March 28th 1989. The socialist Yugoslavia, as defined by the constitution from 1974, ceased to exist. In the Serbia, the change was taken as the correction for the „centuries of injustice“, and that it was marked as the „big day“ of the Serbian history. It was emphasized that „a satisfied Serbia would bring satisfaction to Yugoslavia“. Also, that one of the most important „battles for unity“ within the Serbia, had been won., Published, 177016, Rad je deo projekta Srpsko društvo u jugoslovenskoj državi u 20. veku: između demokratije i diktature (177016), koji finansira Ministarstvo prosvete, nauke i tehnološkog razvoja Republike Srbije.